第71章 Letter XVII(3)

But to suppose a case more within the bounds of possibility,though one would be tempted to think it as little within those of probability,let us suppose our Parliaments,in some future generation,to grow so corrupt,and the crown so rich,that a pecuniary influence constantly prevailing over the majority,they should assemble for little else than to establish grievances,instead of redressing them;to approve the measures of the court,without information;to engage their country in alliances,in treaties,in wars,without examination;and to give money without account,and almost without stint.The case would be deplorable.Our constitution itself would become our grievance,whilst this corruption prevailed;and if it prevailed long,our constitution could not last long;because this slow progress would lead to the destruction of it as surely as the more concise method of giving it up at once.But,in this case,the constitution would help itself,and effectually too,unless the whole mass of the people was tainted,and the electors were become no honester than the elected.Much time would be required to beggar and enslave the nation,in this manner.

It could scarce be the work of one Parliament,though Parliaments should continue to be septennial.It could not be the work of a triennial Parliament most certainly:and the people of Great Britain would have none to blame but themselves;because,as the constitution is a sure rule of action to those whom they choose to act for them,so it is likewise a sure rule of judgment to them,in the choice of their trustees,and particularly of such as have represented them already.In short,nothing can destroy the constitution of Britain,but the people of Britain:and whenever the people of Britain become so degenerate and base,as to be induced by corruption,for they are no longer in danger of being awed by prerogative,to choose persons to represent them in Parliament,whom they have found by experience to be under an influence,arising from private interest,dependants on a court,and the creatures of a minister;or others,who are unknown to the people,that elect them,and bring no recommendations but that which they carry in their purses;then may the enemies of our constitution boast that they have got the better of it,and that it is no longer able to preserve itself,nor to defend liberty.Then will that trite,proverbial speech be verified in our case,'that the corruptions of the best things are the worst'.

for then will that very change in the state of property and power,which improved our constitution so much,contribute to the destruction of it;and we may even wish for those little tyrants,the great lords and the great prelates again,to oppose the encroachments of the crown.How preferable will subjection to those powerful landlords (whom the commonalty were accustomed to serve;and by whom,if they suffered on one hand,they had considerable advantages on the other),how preferable,indeed,will this subjection appear to them,when they shall see the whole nation oppressed by a few upstarts in power;often by the meanest,always by the worst of their fellow subjects;by men,who owe their elevation and riches neither to merit nor birth,but to the favour of weak princes,and to the spoils of their country beggared by their rapine.Then will the fate of Rome be renewed,in some sort,in Britain.The grandeur of Rome was the work of many centuries,the effect of much wisdom,and the price of much blood.

She maintained her grandeur,whilst she preserved her virtue;but when luxury grew up to favour corruption,and corruption to nourish luxury,then Rome grew venal;the election of her magistrates,the sentences of her judges,the decrees of her senate,all was sold:for her liberty was sold when these were sold;and her riches,her power,her glory could not long survive her liberty.She,who had been the envy,as well as the mistress of nations,fell to be an object of their scorn,or their pity.They had seen and felt that she governed other people by will,and her own by law.They beheld her governed herself by will;by the arbitrary will of the worst of her own citizens,of the worst of both sexes,of the worst of human kind;by Caligula,by Claudius,by Nero,by Messalina,by Agrippina,by Poppaea,by Narcissus,by Callistus,by Pallas;by princes that were stupid or mad;by women that were abandoned to ambition and to lust;by ministers that were emancipated slaves,parasites and panders,insolent and rapacious.In this miserable state,the few that retained some sparks of the old Roman spirit,had double cause to mourn in private;for it was not safe even to mourn in public.They mourned the loss of the liberty and grandeur of Rome;and they mourned that both should be sacrificed to wretches whose crimes would have been punished,and whose talents would scarce have recommended them to the meanest offices,in the virtuous and prosperous ages of the commonwealth.

Into such a state,the difference of times and of other circumstances considered,at least,into a state as miserable as this,will the people of Britain both fall,and deserve to fall,if they suffer,under any pretence,or by any hands,that constitution to be destroyed,which cannot be destroyed,unless they suffer it;unless they co-operate with the enemies of it,by renewing an exploded distinction of parties;by electing those to represent them,who are hired to betray them;or by submitting tamely,when the mask is taken off,or falls off,and the attempt to bring beggary and slavery is avowed,or can be no longer concealed.If ever this happens,the friends of liberty,should any such remain,will have one option still left;and they will rather choose,no doubt,to die the last of British freemen,than bear to live the first of British slaves.

I am,sir,etc.